Suwendi - Lecturer of the Graduate School of UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

In the momentum of Eid al-Adha 1447 H/2026 AD, the public was presented with a polemic on the use of the State Budget for the President's qurbani program. This polemic can be understood not only as a matter of differences in fiqhiyah, but also related to social sensitivity at a time when the country's economic conditions are not yet fully stable. At a time when the country is faced with fiscal pressures, budget efficiency, weak rupiah exchange rates, and increasing public needs in various sectors, the use of the state budget for symbolic religious activities is an issue that should be discussed critically.

Therefore, this polemic is inappropriate if it is dichotomously implied between supporting Islam versus rejecting religion. In the context of a democratic and religious society like Indonesia, religion-based policies must be valid not only normatively-religiously, but also ethically, socially, and economically.

From the perspective of religious moderation, the main problem of this case lies in at least two things. First, there is no fiqh consensus that validates the use of the state budget for qurbani worship. Second, there is a problem of public sensitivity when the state budget is intended for religious activities while the economic situation is not conducive.

In the Islamic tradition, qurbani is a worship that is substantive as a personal sacrifice and a form of individual piety. Therefore, some people question whether the public budget sourced from taxes can be positioned as an instrument of personal worship. There is indeed an opinion that allows it on the basis of the public interest and the function of state leadership. However, it must be admitted that this opinion is still in the open ijtihad space and is not yet completely final.

The problem is even more complex when it is linked to the country's current fiscal condition. The public is witnessing the narrative of budget savings, efficiency of ministries/institutions' spending, increasing economic burden on the community, and primary needs in the education, health, food security, and social protection sectors. In such a situation, the use of the state budget for the procurement of sacrificial cattle on a large scale raises ethical questions regarding the scale of state priorities.

This is where religious moderation finds its relevance. Religious moderation is not just a jargon of tolerance or respect for differences of opinion, but a perspective that places religious practices in proportion to social reality. The spirit of moderate religious tolerance speaks not only of legal legitimacy, but also of ethical social wisdom and sensitivity to the state of society.

Even if a policy is administratively justified and by some religious opinions, the state still needs to consider the aspect of public propriety. In Islamic leadership ethics, it is not enough for a leader's actions to be "allowed", but also to consider the psychological and social impact in the wider community.

Ironically, public spaces are easily confronted with the trap of emotional polarization. Criticism of the state budget policy for qurbani is considered an anti-religious attitude, while justification of the policy is considered an expression of the politicization of Islam. In fact, criticism of the use of the state budget is a natural part and a citizen's right in democratic life. Religion should not be used as a validation to close the space for public evaluation, just as public criticism should not turn into anti-religious sentiments.

The state should place this case as a momentum to reconstruct a more participatory and transparent governance of religious policies. Policies that use public funds in the name of religion need to involve a broad dialogue with clerics across CSOs, academics, economists, and civil society. Such an approach is important so that state policies are not only administratively valid, but also gain strong moral and social legitimacy.

At the same time, the government also needs to take a stance that religious symbols and rituals do not appear excessive, especially when they are associated with certain figures personally. In difficult fiscal conditions, simplicity has a moral message that takes precedence over expensive symbolism. The management of power that is sensitive to the conditions of the people is often more touching than the demonstration of the splendor of the program.

As a result, the essence of Eid al-Adha does not lie in the budget or the number of sacrificial animals, but in the sincerity of sacrifice, social empathy, and discernment to people in need. Religious moderation teaches that religious practices in the social space must always be based on the public interest, prudence, and social wisdom.

Therefore, the polemic of the sacrifice of the State Budget is actually not just a matter of cows and the budget, but a test of how the state, religion, and public ethics can be brought together maturely in national life.

This article was originally published on https://monitor.co.id/2026/05/28/kurban-apbn-di-tengah-krisis-fiskal-dan-ujian-moderasi-beragama/